This is the replication data for "Introducing the International Treaty Ratification Votes Database", written for FPA by Falk Ostermann and Wolfgang Wagner.The article uses data from the International Treaty Ratification Votes Database (ITRVD) and the related Parliamentary Deployment Votes Database (PDVD) Project that can be found under www.deploymentvotewatch.eu. The ITRVD data has been collected by a larger consortium of international colleagues and can be retrieved in its entirety from the webpage, including further documentation.

The International Treaty Ratification Votes Database (ITRVD) includes data on 6,010 parliamentary votes on the ratification of international treaties for the period between 1990 and 2019 in Canada, Finland, France, Germany, Italy, Slovakia, Spain, Turkey, the United Kingdom, and the USA.

The Parliamentary Deployment Votes Database (PDVD) includes data on parliamentary votes on the deployment of armed forces. Version 3 of the dataset (V3, July 2021) contains data on 1,022 votes in plenaries and 5,540 party votes for the period between August 1990 and December 2019 in Australia, Belgium, Canada, Croatia, the Czech Republic, Denmark, Finland, France, Germany, Ireland, Italy, Japan, Lithuania, the Netherlands, Romania, Slovakia, South Korea, Spain, Turkey, the United Kingdom and the United States of America.The data consists of two separate datasets, one on parliamentary-level votes (PDVD_v3_votes) and one on party votes (PDVD_v3_party-votes) with accompanying documentation.

Even though democracies by and large share the perception of Iran as a threat to peace and security, they disagree over the appropriate policy response. This paper examines why some democracies prefer accommodation while others plead for confrontation. Using a new data set on democracies' policies toward Iran in the 2000s, we assess the impact of power positions, commercial interests, and domestic political cultures while controlling for government ideology. While we find little support for any impact of power positions, “cultures of dealing with deviance,” that is, the discourses and practices of dealing with violations of norms domestically as institutionalized in a society's criminal law and justice system, have a substantial and statistically significant effect on state policies. Finally, we find qualified support for commercial liberalism: Whereas high levels of total trade do not have the expected effect of making states more accommodationist, high levels of trade in strategic goods such as oil do.